The discourse of struggle is not opposed to the unconscious, but to the secretive. A theory does not totalise; it is an instrument for multiplication and it also multiplies itself.
Either reforms are designed by people who claim to be representative, who make a profession of speaking for others, and they lead to a division of power, to a distribution of this new power which is consequently increased by a double repression; or they arise from the complaints and demands of those concerned.
It is often difficult to say who holds power in a precise sense, but it is easy to see who lacks power. In this perspective, we begin to see the unity of the forms of repression: It was on this basis that You organised the information group for prisons G.
It is not to "awaken consciousness" that we struggle the masses have been aware for some time that consciousness is a form of knowledge; and consciousness as the basis of subjectivity is a prerogative of the bourgeoisiebut to sap power, to take power; it is an activity conducted alongside those who struggle for power, and not their illumination from a safe distance.
This is the essence of the reforming impulse, of reformed representation. But as for power. If the protests of children were heard in kindergarten, if their questions were attended to, it would be enough to explode the entire educational system.
The relationship which holds in the application of a theory is never one of resemblance. This is something you predicted long ago, and it was thought impossible at the time: This means total identification.
Those who act and struggle are no longer represented, either by a group or a union that appropriates the right to stand as their conscience. Moreover, from the moment a theory moves into its proper domain, it begins to encounter obstacles, walls, and blockages which require its relay by another type of discourse it is through this other discourse that it eventually passes to a different domain.
This is why the notion of reform is so stupid and hypocritical. It seems to me that the political involvement of the intellectual was traditionally the product of two different aspects of his activity: It must be useful.
In the most recent upheaval 3 the intellectual discovered that the masses no longer need him to gain knowledge: In this context, I must return to the question: And when the prisoners began to speak, they possessed an individual theory of prisons, the penal system, and justice.
As you say, the relationship between desire, power, and interest are more complex than we ordinarily think, and it is not necessarily those who exercise power who have an interest in its execution; nor is it always possible for those with vested interests to exercise power.
There is no denying that our social system is totally without tolerance; this accounts for its extreme fragility in all its aspects and also its need for a global form of repression.
We have no need to totalise that which is invariably totalised on the side of power; if we were to move in this direction, it would mean restoring the representative forms of centralism and a hierarchical structure.
This was not an application; nor was it a project for initiating reforms or an enquiry in the traditional sense. My hypothesis -but it is merely an hypothesis- is that popular courts, such as those found in the Revolution, were a means for the lower middle class, who were allied with the masses, to salvage and recapture the initiative in the struggle against the judicial system.
The intellectual spoke the truth to those who had yet to see it, in the name of those who were forbidden to speak the truth: These two forms of politicisation did not exclude each other, but, being of a different order, neither did they coincide.
To achieve this, they proposed a court system based on the possibility of equitable justice, where a judge might render a just verdict.
Prison is the only place where power is manifested in its naked state, in its most excessive form, and where it is justified as moral force. There are investments of desire that mould and distribute power, that make it the property of the policeman as much as of the prime minister; in this context, there is no qualitative difference between the power wielded by the policeman and the prime minister.
But if the fight is directed against power, then all those on whom power is exercised to their detriment, all who find it intolerable, can begin the struggle on their own terrain and on the basis of their proper activity or passivity.
Both books are now available in English. We should also investigate the limits imposed on the exercise of power-the relays through which it operates and the extent of its influence on the often insignificant aspects of the hierarchy and the forms of control, surveillance, prohibition, and constraint.
This is a struggle against power, a struggle aimed at revealing and undermining power where it is most invisible and insidious.
The emphasis was altogether different: Look at the entrance to a Renault plant, or anywhere else for that matter: For example, I remember your saying that there is no popular justice against justice; the reckoning takes place at another level.Foucault, Michel.
“What Is an Author?” Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews by Michel Foucault. Trans. Donald.
Get this from a library! Language, counter-memory, practice: selected essays and interviews. [Michel Foucault] -- Because of their range, brilliance, and singularity, the ideas of the philosopher-critic-historian Michel Foucault have gained extraordinary currency throughout the Western intellectual community.
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FREE Shipping on $ or Favorite Paperbacks: Buy 2, Get the 3rd Free. In Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews, edited by D. F. Bouchard. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. PRAC1'1CE. INTELLEeruALS AND POWER. never one of resemblance.
Moreover, from the moment a theory moves into. This item: Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews (Cornell Paperbacks) by Michel Foucault Paperback $ Only 2 left in stock /5(8).Download